{"id":1614,"date":"2026-06-14T16:36:49","date_gmt":"2026-06-14T16:36:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nextaddressamerica.com\/?p=1614"},"modified":"2026-06-14T16:36:49","modified_gmt":"2026-06-14T16:36:49","slug":"there-is-no-bigger-trump-lie-right-now","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nextaddressamerica.com\/?p=1614","title":{"rendered":"There is no bigger Trump lie right now"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

On June 1st, despite a ceasefire ostensibly underway in the US-Israeli war on Iran, Israel\u2019s prime minister launched a major escalation against Lebanon, including threatening airstrikes against the Lebanese capital. The US president called the Israeli leader, furiously demanding an end to Israel\u2019s escalation. Six days later, Israel attacked Beirut\u2019s southern suburbs, long understood to be a red line for Hezbollah. The Lebanese resistance organization launched a limited response, sending 11 rockets towards Israel, almost all of which were intercepted; no one was hurt or killed. Trump called Netanyahu again, telling him in a brief call that now that Iran and Israel had each \u201chad their fun,\u201d that Israel should stand down.<\/p>\n

Read more Retired colonel sounds the alarm about Trump\u2019s inescapable failure<\/a><\/p>\n

Commentators across the Middle East and beyond debated whether Netanyahu would abide by Trump\u2019s demand. What virtually none of them mentioned was that Trump had refused to even mention his most important pressure point: that if Israel resisted his order to stand down, the US would simply stop sending tons of weapons and tens of billions of dollars to the Israeli military. The close but sometimes divergent interests of the Middle East\u2019s two powers, the global and the regional, was on full display.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s now been 106 days since Trump launched his preemptive and illegal military attack on Iran. On February 28, 2026, the world awoke to the fury of a new war in the Middle East after the United States and Israel had launched their joint assault against Iran, with President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu standing shoulder to shoulder against their common foe. Claiming unbridled hegemony was on the agenda for both.<\/p>\n

The US-Israeli war on Iran is rooted in longstanding US imperialist strategy and Israel\u2019s national goals.<\/p>\n

Today, with yet more fresh promises of a so-called \u201cpeace deal\u201d that is nearly ready to be signed by Trump and Iranian leadership, the Israeli military is bombing the suburbs of Beirut despite ongoing claims of a \u201cceasefire.\u201d Trying to understand the current doom loop, it\u2019s vital we remember how we got here.<\/p>\n

In the opening salvo of the US-Israeli attack, Iran\u2019s supreme leader Ali Khamenei, along with an unknown number of other top military and political leaders, was assassinated with a ballistic missile. Just an hour later, the US fired a Tomahawk missile directly at the Shajareh Tayyebeh Elementary School in the northern Iranian city of Minab\u2014killing 156 people, 120 of them children<\/u>, and destroying the school. The war\u2019s official reasons, initially, were to eliminate the ostensible threat of Iran creating a nuclear weapon<\/u>, and to destroy its conventional military capacity. The no-daylight US-Israeli partnership, Trump and Netanyahu as BFFs, the collaboration between the US and Israeli warplanes, bombers, drones, missiles\u2026 all seemed seamless and perfect.<\/p>\n

Three months later, and half a dozen or so \u201cceasefires\u201d announced, renounced, ignored and denounced, headlines around the world gleefully recounted a Trump phone call with Netanyahu. Focused on Israel\u2019s escalating bombing of Lebanon threatening to derail the latest US-Iran ceasefire, the June 1 call reportedly started with Trump telling Netanyahu \u201cyou\u2019re fucking crazy<\/u>\u2014you\u2019d be in prison if it weren\u2019t for me.\u201c The US president then went on to his \u201dEverybody hates you now\u201c remark. \u201dEverybody hates Israel because of this,\u201c he reportedly said.<\/p>\n

Trump acknowledged saying it, and then, as is his usual style, moved on, quickly reclaiming his friendship with the Israeli prime minister. As was true with so many earlier ceasefires, Israel continued its massive bombing and its brutal occupation of south Lebanon, making a US-Iran ceasefire impossible. In the meantime, throughout the months of the war, commentators, politicians of all stripes, journalists and analysts across the globe were struggling to figure out what that war was actually being fought for. <\/p>\n

War for What?<\/h4>\n

Real fear of an actual nuclear bomb was certainly not the answer. After all, US intelligence agencies have agreed for years that \u201c and that [Supreme Leader Ali] Khamenei has not reauthorized the nuclear weapons program he suspended in 2003.\u201d <\/p>\n

Despite that clear assessment, US B-2 stealth bombers still dropped 14 of their 30,000-pound \u201cbunker-buster\u201d bombs<\/u> on Iran\u2019s civilian centrifuges at Fordo, Isfahan and Natanz at the end of Israel\u2019s 12-day war in June 2025. Trump and his supporters bragged of having \u201ccompletely and totally obliterated\u201d Iran\u2019s nuclear facilities. And then, eight months after that, in the early days of the US-Israeli 2026 war, those B-2s were back in the air, dropping more 30,000-pound and some smaller versions of the bunker-busters on Iran. Seems they don\u2019t believe even their own intelligence agents.<\/p>\n

They thought they could impose imperialism on the cheap\u2014but it turns out not everyone is playing that game.<\/p>\n

Rationales for the sudden war in 2026 (launched in the midst of US negotiations with Iran for a long-term ceasefire) were tossed around like confetti, ranging from stopping a nuclear threat (which of course didn\u2019t exist because Iran didn\u2019t have<\/u>, wasn\u2019t trying to make, and hadn\u2019t even made a decision to try to build a nuclear weapon), to ending Iran\u2019s support for its regional allies, to destroying Iran\u2019s navy, to crippling its missile capacity, to protecting Iranian civilians or maybe encouraging a popular uprising, or perhaps even full-scale regime change. Later, once Iran had responded to the attacks by closing the Strait of Hormuz, Trump shifted to trying to justify the war as a means of forcing the reopening of the Strait, in effect waging the new war to get back to the situation that had existed until the US and Israel launched the war in the first place.<\/p>\n

Not a Senseless War<\/h4>\n

None were very convincing arguments. The popular view emerged that this was a pointless war, being fought for nothing. But that was wrong\u2014there was a purpose. Actually, there were several. The Israeli prime minister has shaped his political career, for more than 35 years, around the claim that only he could bring down the Iranian regime, falsely claiming it as an \u201cexistential threat\u201d to Israel. (In fact, even if Iran changed its internal decisions and decided to try to build a nuclear weapon some day, it would not represent an existential threat to Israelis but only to Israel\u2019s 47-year-old nuclear weapons monopoly<\/u> in the Middle East.) Netanyahu needed the war to continue\u2014any ceasefire, under any conditions, would weaken him politically.<\/p>\n

On the US side, some of the war\u2019s goals had to do with the personal obsessions of the president and his minions. Trump\u2019s fixation on expanding US power around the world, and more importantly being seen<\/em> as presiding over a return to the glory days of unchallenged US global domination, remain a driving force\u2014as does his determination to \u201cget a better deal\u201d than Obama did with the successful Iran nuclear deal in 2015. For his self-defined \u201csecretary of war\u201d Pete Hegseth, the pageantry of a powerful military\u2014not only \u201cthe most lethal\u201d force in the world but more white, more male<\/u>, and even more slim than any other army<\/u>\u2014could compensate for Hegseth\u2019s lack of experience. For Secretary of State Marco Rubio, all roads lead to regime change in Cuba\u2014and supporting all of Trump\u2019s military assaults, including attacks on fishing boats in the Caribbean, kidnapping the president and seizing the oil resources of Venezuela, bombing Yemen, Somalia and Nigeria, all help set the stage for his life-long goal of destroying the Cuban revolution.<\/p>\n

The Search for Hegemony<\/h4>\n

All those personal obsessions likely played some roles. But the US-Israeli war on Iran is also rooted in longstanding US imperialist strategy and Israel\u2019s national goals. While Trump has shown himself for years as far more committed to maximizing his own and his family\u2019s wealth and power than he is accountable to any particular faction of US capital or US elite power (except perhaps \u201cthe billionaires,\u201d writ large), the trajectory of imperial expansion, especially in an era of greater and rising powers around the world, continues to shape much of US policy. <\/p>\n

That is where the search for hegemony comes to the fore. For Israel\u2014and especially for its longstanding prime minister\u2014the attack on Iran both demonstrates and reinforces its role as unchallenged regional hegemon. That means asserting its power\u2014a derivative power, given its strategic dependence on the United States, but power nonetheless\u2014to seize land, dispossess and expel whole populations, and exert permanent control over countries, economies, and people\u2014whenever, wherever, and for however long it chooses. Without being held accountable.<\/p>\n

For Israel\u2014and especially for its longstanding prime minister\u2014the attack on Iran both demonstrates and reinforces its role as unchallenged regional hegemon.<\/p>\n

To be recognized as the regional hegemonic power in the Middle East, Israel needs to not only \u201cmow the grass\u201d in Lebanon and in Gaza (as well as arming and empowering ideologically driven settlers in the West Bank to escalate their violent seizure of Palestinian land and ethnic cleansing of its population), it needs to continue to weaken, threaten, and when possible (with US backing) go to war against Iran, its sole challenger for regional control.<\/p>\n

Mowing the Grass<\/h4>\n

Israelis\u2014military and government officials, academics, journalists and others\u2014routinely use the term \u201cmowing the grass\u201d to describe Tel Aviv\u2019s consistent attacks against Israel\u2019s neighbors. The phrase was first coined to describe Israel\u2019s brutal 22-day assault on Gaza, Operation Cast Lead, that began the day after Christmas 2008 and killed more than 1400 Palestinians, most of them civilians and including 300 children. Since then, it describes the frequent attacks on Gaza or Lebanon\u2014ostensibly aimed at militant organizations but designed originally to kill massive numbers of civilians, displace hundreds of thousands or millions from their homes, and destroy huge swathes of homes, schools, churches, mosques, businesses\u2014to remind everyone who it is who actually holds power.<\/p>\n

Israel is saying that it will not allow Iran to remain an obstacle to Tel Aviv\u2019s claim of full-blown dominance of the region. Netanyahu is making good of the threats he\u2019s issued for the last 30 years.<\/p>\n

Iran has historically been the main obstacle preventing Israel from consolidating that regional hegemonic role, and part of Netanyahu\u2019s political power depends on his ability to keep the US-Israeli \u201cspecial relationship\u201d strong and to deal effectively with Iran. So going to war against Iran in complete and willing partnership with the United States serves to strengthen his still-shaky political position. What\u2019s different now is that Israel is saying that it will not allow Iran to remain an obstacle to Tel Aviv\u2019s claim of full-blown dominance of the region. Netanyahu is making good of the threats he\u2019s issued for the last 30 years.<\/p>\n

Read more Celebrity critics tear apart Trump as the president turns 80<\/a><\/p>\n

So Netanyahu remains committed to continuing this war against Iran, opposing ceasefires regardless of their terms\u2014and most recently, escalating attacks against Lebanon precisely because they could prevent or shatter any ceasefire. Following the Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire in 2024, UN peacekeepers on the ground documented more than 10,000 Israeli violations of the agreement in just the first year. When a wobbly US-Iran ceasefire was announced on April 8, 2026, Israel responded with massive force against Beirut<\/u>, launching more than 100 airstrikes within 10 minutes across the capital and killing 357 people, many of them civilians and at least 101 of them children and women<\/u>.<\/p>\n

Back in the USA\u2026.<\/h4>\n

For the United States, going to war against Iran could strengthen Washington\u2019s longstanding commitment to maintaining global domination\u2014a goal particularly relished by its power-obsessed and erratic president. The war was designed to both demonstrate and bolster the US role as unchallenged global hegemon. And doing so arm in arm with Israel, the regional version. <\/p>\n

What a team they thought they would make. What they didn\u2019t reckon with was the reality of Iran\u2014its military, its government, its people. While there is no question US-Israeli military might massively outstrips that of Iran, it turned out that Tehran was able to use its not-insignificant drone and missile capacity in ways that maximized its power.<\/p>\n

While there is no question US-Israeli military might massively outstrips that of Iran, it turned out that Tehran was able to use its not-insignificant drone and missile capacity in ways that maximized its power.<\/p>\n

For example, Iran\u2019s relatively few strikes on US bases and sometimes domestic facilities in the surrounding US-backed Gulf states had political consequences beyond their comparatively low levels of casualties. They showed how \u201cprotection\u201d in the form of US military bases, weapons and troops in those countries did not keep their people safe, but rather laid a target on their backs. Most especially, Iran\u2019s few direct attacks on ships attempting to cross the Strait of Hormuz early in the war, had the much broader effect of shutting down the vital waterway entirely, as shipowners and insurance companies refused to take the risk.<\/p>\n

Miscalculations<\/h4>\n

When Israel carried out its guided missile attack on the first day of the war, killing the supreme leader and a number of other top officials, the cheering in Washington and Tel Aviv reflected the assumption that the decapitation of the government would lead to chaos and its inability to function. The cheerleaders were wrong. As Narges Bajoghli and Vali Nasr noted in <\/u>Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/u>, the US and Israel \u201cexpected a quick victory through targeted assassinations of Iran\u2019s leadership. But decapitation did not produce regime collapse. Instead, it opened the door for a new generation to take over.\u201d Not only did Khamenei\u2019s son take over his father\u2019s position, but younger military, political, and business leaders filled in the gaps across the structures of power. <\/p>\n

And while the Iranian leadership had been significantly weakened by public mobilization against both governmental inability to solve the escalating economic crisis and its increasingly repressive attacks against protesters, it appears it was not further weakened by the US-Israeli assault. As Nasr and Bajoghli describe the situation, the public anger of January 2026 in response to escalating repression of the mass uprisings, didn\u2019t disappear with the US-Israeli assault. They wrote:<\/p>\n

The war\u2019s destruction has been vast: public infrastructure, factories, schools, hospitals, historic monuments, and even entire neighborhoods lie in ruins. As Israeli and American bombs and missiles pummeled the landscape, Trump threatened to arm separatists, redraw Iran\u2019s borders, crush its economy and annihilate its civilization. Together, these military and rhetorical assaults provoked a nationalist reaction that cut across political divisions. Public anger has not disappeared. The grief, frustration and accumulated resentment of decades of misrule and repression remain. What has changed is the political landscape in which those feelings find expression. Dissent is now refracted through a national struggle against a foreign enemy that Iranians compare to Alexander the Great, who conquered the Persian empire in the 4th century BC; the Arab armies that invaded in the 7th century AD; and the Mongols, who came six centuries after that.Contrary to American and Israeli expectations, the war has not sparked street demonstrations. The longer it went on, the less the regime appeared threatened by public uprisings. Iranian society mobilized not against the state but alongside it, holding daily rallies across the country, forming human chains and gathering on bridges threatened by Trump. The sharp divide between state and society that had characterized Iran in January blurred\u2014not through persuasion or repression, but through the shared experience of living through the bombing and witnessing its destruction.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Palestine<\/h4>\n

There was another reason for the US-Israeli war, that explains at least the timing, if not the overall rationale\u2014Palestine. Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza for two years and eight months. There are now more than 73,000 known, identified, named Palestinians in Gaza who have been killed by Israeli bombs, tanks, bullets, drones, missiles, almost all paid for (and to a large degree produced) by US taxpayers. Thousands more lie dead under the rubble of what were once the cities, towns, refugee camps of the decimated Gaza Strip. The statistics belie the lives lost\u2014babies, elders, children. Journalists and health workers in staggering numbers. And Israel\u2019s genocide continues, people are still being killed by Israeli bombs, tanks and drones, as well as deliberately-imposed shortages of water, food, medical supplies, shelter.<\/p>\n

The Gaza genocide is not unrelated or incidental to the US-Israeli war in Iran\u2014it is a primary enabler. It is precisely the level of impunity, the absolute lack of accountability for any of the perpetrators of this crime against humanity, that has given Israeli and US leaders the confidence to go ahead with what many have called the \u201cGazafication of Iran\u201d and the \u201cGazafication of Lebanon\u201d without fearing there might be a price to be paid.<\/p>\n

The Gaza genocide is not unrelated or incidental to the US-Israeli war in Iran\u2014it is a primary enabler.<\/p>\n

The international arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court against Israeli leaders (Israel assassinated the Hamas leaders who were similarly charged) are ignored in most of the US-allied countries that Netanyahu and his former defense minister might want to visit. South Africa\u2019s unprecedented effort to hold Israel accountable at the International Court of Justice for its violations of the Genocide Convention resulted in a powerful preliminary ruling that Israel\u2019s actions plausibly do constitute genocide. Israel was ordered to carry out specific actions\u2014starting with an end to killing people in Gaza\u2014but it has yet to face any consequences for ignoring those orders. And no one knows when the final ruling might be issued\u2014or if it will lead to some level of enforcement, either in the United Nations, by a coalition of governments, or, most likely by a newly-enraged, newly-engaged global civil society ready to move with ever greater energy, strategic clarity and political power to impose serious consequences on the governments and individuals responsible for the first genocide in history to be carried out openly, proudly, and visible to the world.<\/p>\n

War Over War<\/h4>\n

For now, while the war against Iran continues, it looks like both Israel and the United States are moving into a different phase. They are still looking to claim power, still working to reshape political relations and consolidate regional and global power across the middle east. But rather than simply escalating again, as Israel still is in Lebanon, or continuing a grinding daily assault as it still is in Gaza\u2014both actions armed and paid for by the US\u2014they are facing some changed circumstances. Just maybe Washington and Tel Aviv are finding that it\u2019s harder than they thought to re-order the whole Middle East\u2014and to do that in tandem is harder than ever.<\/p>\n

Trump seemed to think he could accomplish something dramatic and \u201cbeautiful\u201d in Iran\u2014encourage a popular uprising, maybe seize the oil and replace the leadership\u2019s political orientation as if it were Venezuela\u2014but then found that wasn\u2019t so likely. Turns out Iran is not Venezuela. Netanyahu has massive public support among Jewish Israelis for continuing the war in Iran, though support for the war in Lebanon is not so popular. (It should not be forgotten that after 18 years of occupying South Lebanon, Israeli troops were finally pulled out in 2000 primarily because the government could not survive the mobilization of Israeli mothers angry that their sons in the IDF were occasionally being killed by Hezbollah\u2019s retaliation actions..)<\/p>\n

Trump seemed to think he could accomplish something dramatic and \u201cbeautiful\u201d in Iran\u2014encourage a popular uprising, maybe seize the oil and replace the leadership\u2019s political orientation as if it were Venezuela\u2014but then found that wasn\u2019t so likely. <\/p>\n

At home Netanyahu may be able to get away with claiming victory over Iran even if a ceasefire is imposed, by continuing Israel\u2019s longstanding practice of assassinating Iranian scientists and political\/military leaders, and occasional bombing raids. But Israel\u2019s plummeting losses in the war of global legitimacy are certainly not likely to be reversed any time soon. The most recent Pew survey<\/u> indicates sky-high majorities holding negative views of Israel and Netanyahu around the world\u2014up to 95% in Pakistan, 78% negative in Sweden and Spain. <\/p>\n

The global Palestinian rights mobilizations and the even broader movements for ceasefire and an end to genocide of course play a major role. Social movements and civil society activists around the world will continue to hold up the ICJ decisions and the UN General Assembly resolutions requiring governments to impose arms embargoes, boycotts, divestment, and sanctions against Israel.<\/p>\n

And as the Strait remains closed and food shortages mount in the poorest countries, as Arab governments fearing public opposition at home reduce their ties with Israel and reject expansion of the Abraham Accords, and as Israel continues to kill Lebanese and Palestinian families, Trump\u2019s claims will be less likely to be believed. With the mid-terms only a few months off, his claims of \u201cWe\u2019re the winner, we won<\/u>\u201d are already ringing increasingly hollow. It doesn\u2019t mean he won\u2019t make the claims, it just means they\u2019re not going to work.<\/p>\n

For Trump, given the unexpected level of resilience in Iran, Tehran\u2019s access to a virtually unlimited supply of cheap drones that are doing real damage to Gulf Arab states hosting US bases and troops, and its willingness to close the Strait as a pressure point with global ramifications, it\u2019s going to be difficult to claim this war as a victory.<\/p>\n

The search to consolidate regional and global power continues. It\u2019s a big part of the reason the US and Israel are launching new wars and escalating longstanding attacks. People are still losing lands and lives as these hegemons rely on war to consolidate their positions. But neither Israel in the Middle East nor the United States in the world are unchallenged. They thought they could impose imperialism on the cheap\u2014but it turns out not everyone is playing that game. The search for hegemonic power is far from settled.<\/p>\n

Read more FBI veteran calls out GOP\u2019s \u2018politically motivated\u2019 smears on Trump probe<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On June 1st, despite a ceasefire ostensibly underway in the US-Israeli war on Iran, Israel\u2019s prime minister launched a major escalation against Lebanon, including threatening airstrikes against the Lebanese capital. 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